WikiPortallus: Józef Piłsudski.html

Józef Klemens Piłsudski^[a] (['juzɛf piw'sutski] (help·info), December 5, 1867 – May 12, 1935) was Chief of State (1918–22), "First Marshal" (from 1920), and later (1926–35) the authoritarian ruler of the Second Polish Republic. From mid-World War I he was a major influence in Poland's politics, and an important figure on the broader European political scene.¹ He is considered largely responsible for Poland regaining independence in 1918, after a hundred and twenty-three years of partitions.²³⁴⁵

Early in his political career, Piłsudski became a leader of the Polish Socialist Party. Concluding, however, that Poland's independence would have to be won by force of arms, he created the Polish Legions. In 1914 he anticipated the outbreak of a European war, the Russian Empire's defeat by the Central Powers, and the Central Powers' defeat by the western powers.⁶ When World War I broke out, he and his Legions fought alongside the Austro-Hungarian and German Empires to ensure Russia's defeat. Subsequently in 1917, with Russia faring badly in the war, he withdrew his support from the Central Powers.

From November 1918, when Poland regained independence, until 1922, Piłsudski was Poland's "Chief of State." In 1919–21 he commanded Poland's forces in the Polish-Soviet War. In 1923, with the Polish government dominated by his opponents, particularly the National Democrats, he withdrew from active politics. Three years later he returned to power in the May 1926 coup d'état, becoming de facto dictator of Poland. From then until his death in 1935, he concerned himself primarily with military and foreign affairs.

For at least thirty years until his death, Piłsudski pursued, with varying degrees of intensity, two complementary strategies, intended to enhance Poland's security: "Prometheism," which aimed at breaking up, successively, Imperial Russia and the Soviet Union into their constituent nations; and the creation of an "Intermarum" federation, comprising Poland and several of her neighbors. Though a number of his political acts remain controversial, Piłsudski is held in high esteem by his compatriots.⁷⁸⁹¹⁰

Biography

Piłsudski coat of arms

Early life

Piłsudski as a schoolboy

Józef, when he attended the Russian gymnasium at Vilna (now Vilnius), was not an especially diligent student.¹⁷ Along with his brothers Adam, Bronisław and Jan, he was introduced by his mother Maria, née Bilewicz, to Polish history and literature, which were suppressed by the Russian authorities.¹⁸ His father, likewise named Józef, had fought in the January 1863 Uprising against Russian rule of Poland.¹¹

The family resented the Russian government's Russification policies. Young Józef profoundly disliked having to attend Russian Orthodox Church service¹⁸ and left school with an aversion not only for the Russian Tsar and the Russian Empire, but for the culture, which he knew well.¹²

In 1885 Piłsudski embarked on medical studies at the University of Kharkov (Kharkiv, Ukraine), where he became involved with Narodnaya Volya, part of the Russian Narodniki revolutionary movement.¹⁹ In 1886 he was suspended for participating in student demonstrations.¹¹ He was rejected by the University of Dorpat (Tartu, Estonia), whose authorities had been informed of his political affiliation.¹¹ On March 22, 1887, he was arrested by Tsarist authorities on a false²⁰ charge of plotting with Vilna socialists to assassinate Tsar Alexander III. In fact Piłsudski's main connection to the plot was the involvement in it of his elder brother, Bronisław.²¹ Bronisław was sentenced to fifteen years' hard labor (katorga) in eastern Siberia.²¹²²

Józef received a milder sentence: five years' exile in Siberia, first at Kirensk on the Lena River, then at Tunka.¹¹²² While being transported in a prisoners' convoy to Siberia, Piłsudski was held for several weeks at a prison in Irkutsk²³. There he took part in what the authorities viewed as a revolt: after one of the inmates had insulted a guard and refused to apologize, he and other political prisoners were beaten by the guards for their defiance;²⁴ Piłsudski lost two teeth and took part in a subsequent hunger strike until the authorities reinstated political prisoners' privileges that had been suspended after the incident.²⁴ For his involvement, he was sentenced in 1888 to six months' imprisonment.²⁵ He had to spend the first night of his incarceration in 40-degree-below-zero Siberian cold; this led to an illness that nearly killed him and to health problems that would plague him throughout life.²⁵

During his years of exile in Siberia, Piłsudski met many Sybiraks, including Bronisław Szwarce, who had almost become a leader of the January 1863 Uprising.²⁶ He was allowed to work in an occupation of his own choosing, and earned his living tutoring local children in mathematics and foreign languages¹² (he knew French, German and Lithuanian²⁷ in addition to Russian and, of course, his native Polish; he would later learn English).²⁸ Local officials decided that as a Polish noble he was not entitled to the 10-ruble pension received by most other exiles.²⁹

1928 reproduction of an 1887 Tsarist Russian wanted poster for Piłsudski, distributed (presumably by his political enemies) "on the 10th anniversary of Poland's independence":

Translation

"State criminal
JÓZEF PIŁSUDSKI, nobleman
DESCRIPTION:
Age 19 (1887)
Height 1 meter, 75 cm.
Face clear
Eyes grey
Hair dark-blond
Sideburns light-blond, sparse
Eyebrows dark-blond, fused
Beard dark-blond
Mustache light-blond
Nose normal
Mouth normal
Teeth missing some
Chin round
Distinctive marks:
1) clear face, with eyebrows fused over nose,
2) wart at the end of right ear"

In 1892 Piłsudski returned from exile. In 1893 he joined the Polish Socialist Party (PPS)¹¹ and helped organize its Lithuanian branch.³⁰ Initially he sided with the Socialists' more radical wing, but despite the socialist movement's ostensible internationalism he remained a Polish nationalist.³¹ In 1894, as its chief editor, he began publishing an underground socialist newspaper, Robotnik (The Worker); he would also be one of its chief writers, and, initially, a typesetter.¹¹¹⁹³²³³ In 1895 he became a PPS leader, and took the position that doctrinal issues were of minor importance and that socialist ideology should be merged with nationalist ideology, since that combination offered the greatest chance of restoring Polish independence.¹⁹

On July 15, 1899, while an underground organizer, Piłsudski married a fellow socialist organizer, Maria Juszkiewiczowa, née Koplewska³⁴³⁵³⁶. The marriage deteriorated when, several years later, Piłsudski began an affair with a younger socialist,³¹Aleksandra Szczerbińska. Maria died in 1921, and in October that year Piłsudski married Aleksandra. By then the pair had two little daughters, Wanda and Jadwiga. This marriage, too, was troubled.³⁷

In February 1900, after Russian authorities found Robotnik's underground printing press in Łódź, Piłsudski was imprisoned at the Warsaw Citadel. But, after feigning mental illness in May 1901, he managed to escape from a mental hospital at Saint Petersburg with the help of a Polish physician, Władysław Mazurkiewicz, and others, fleeing to Galicia, then part of Austro-Hungary.¹¹

At the time, when almost all parties in Russian Poland and Lithuania took a conciliatory position toward the Russian Empire and aimed at negotiating within it a limited autonomy for Poland, Piłsudski's PPS was the only political force that was prepared to fight the Empire for Polish independence and to resort to violence in order to achieve that goal.¹²

On the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905), in the summer of 1904, Piłsudski traveled to Tokyo, Japan, where he tried unsuccessfully to obtain that country's assistance for an uprising in Poland. He offered to supply Japan with intelligence in support of its war with Russia and proposed the creation of a Polish Legion from Poles,³⁸ conscripted into the Russian Army, who had been captured by Japan. He also suggested a "Promethean" project directed at breaking up the Russian Empire—a goal that he later continued to pursue.³⁹

Another notable Pole, Roman Dmowski, also traveled to Japan, where he argued against Piłsudski's plan, endeavoring to discourage the Japanese government from supporting at this time a Polish revolution which Dmowski felt would be doomed to failure.⁴⁰³⁸ Dmowski, himself a Polish patriot, would remain Piłsudski's political arch-enemy to the end of Piłsudski's life.⁴¹ In the end, the Japanese offered Piłsudski much less than he had hoped for; he received Japan's help in purchasing weapons and ammunition for the PPS and its combat organisation, while the Japanese declined the Legion proposal.³⁸¹¹

In the fall of 1904, Piłsudski formed a paramilitary unit (the Combat Organization of the Polish Socialist Party, or bojówki) aiming to create an armed resistance movement against the Russian authorities.⁴⁰ The PPS organized an increasing numbers of demonstrations, mainly in Warsaw; on October 28, 1904, Russian Cossack cavalry attacked a demonstration, and in reprisal, during a demonstration on November 13, Piłsudski's paramilitary opened fire on Russian police and military.⁴²⁴⁰ Initially concentrating their attention on spies and informers, in March 1905 the paramilitary began using bombs to assassinate selected Russian police officers.⁴³

During the 1905 Russian Revolution, Piłsudski played a leading role in events in Congress Poland.⁴⁰ In early 1905, he ordered the PPS to launch a general strike there; it involved some 400,000 workers and lasted two months until it was broken by the Russian authorities.⁴⁰ In June 1905, Piłsudski ordered to aid an uprising in Łódź.⁴⁰ During the "June Days," as the Łódź uprising came to be known, armed clashes broke out between Piłsudski's paramilitaries and gunmen loyal to Dmowski and his National Democrats.⁴⁰ On December 22, 1905, Piłsudski called for all Polish workers to rise up; the call went largely unheeded.⁴⁰

Unlike the National Democrats, Piłsudski instructed the PPS to boycott the elections to the First Duma.⁴⁰ This decision, and his resolve to try to win Polish independence through uprisings, caused tensions within the PPS, and in November 1906 the party fractured over Piłsudski's leadership.⁴¹ His faction came to be called the "Old Faction" or "Revolutionary Faction" ("Starzy" or "Frakcja Rewolucyjna"), while their opponents were known as the "Young Faction," "Moderate Faction" or "Left Wing" ("Młodzi," "Frakcja Umiarkowana," "Lewica"). The "Young" sympathized with the Social Democrats of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania and believed that priority should be given to cooperation with Russian revolutionaries in toppling the Tsarist regime and creating a socialist utopia that would facilitate negotiations for independence.¹⁹

Piłsudski and his supporters in the Revolutionary Faction continued to plot a revolution against Tsarist Russia that would secure Polish independence.¹¹ By 1909 his faction would again be the majority in the PPS, and Piłsudski would remain one of the most important PPS leaders up to the outbreak of the First World War.⁴⁴

Piłsudski anticipated a coming European war⁴⁵⁴⁶ and the need to organize the nucleus of a future Polish Army which could help win Poland's independence from the three empires that had partitioned her out of political existence in the late 18th century. In 1906, Piłsudski, with the connivance of Austrian authorities, founded a military school in Kraków for the training of paramilitary units.⁴¹ In 1906 alone, the 800-strong paramilitaries, operating in five-man teams in Congress Poland, killed 336 Russian officials; in subsequent years, the number of their casualties declined, while the paramilitaries' numbers increased to some 2,000 in 1908.⁴⁷⁴¹

The paramilitaries also held up Russian currency transports leaving Polish territories. On the night of September 26–27, 1908, they robbed a Russian mail train carrying tax revenues from Warsaw to Saint Petersburg.⁴¹ Piłsudski, who took part in this Bezdany raid near Vilna, used the funds thus "expropriated" to finance his secret military organization⁴⁸. The take from that single raid (200,812 rubles) was a fortune for the time and equaled the paramilitaries' entire takes of the two preceding years.⁴⁷

In 1910 two legal paramilitary organizations were created in the Austrian zone of Poland—one in Lwów and one in Kraków—to conduct training in military science. With the permission of the Austrian authorities, Piłsudski founded a series of "sporting clubs," then the Riflemen's Association, which served as cover to train a Polish military force. In 1912 Piłsudski (using the nom de guerre, "Mieczysław") became commander-in-chief of a Riflemen's Association (Związek Strzelecki) that grew by 1914 to 12,000 men.⁴¹¹¹ In 1914, Piłsudski declared that "Only the sword now carries any weight in the balance for the destiny of a nation."⁴¹

World War I

Piłsudski in uniform

At a meeting in Paris in 1914, Piłsudski presciently declared that in the impending war, for Poland to regain independence, Russia must be beaten by the Central Powers (the Austro-Hungarian and German Empires), and the latter powers must in their turn be beaten by France, Britain and the United States.⁴⁵⁴⁶ By contrast, Roman Dmowski, Piłsudski's rival, believed that the best way to achieve a unified and independent Poland was to support the Triple Entente against the Triple Alliance.⁴⁹

Piłsudski in World War I (1914)

Piłsudski's strategy was to send his forces north across the border into Russian Poland, into an area which the Russian Army had evacuated, in the hope of breaking through to Warsaw and sparking a national uprising.¹⁹⁵³ Using his limited forces, in those early days he backed his orders with the sanction of a fictitious "National Government in Warsaw,"⁵⁴ and bent and stretched Austrian orders to the utmost, taking initiatives, moving forward and establishing Polish institutions in liberated towns, while the Austrians saw his forces as good only for scouting or for supporting main Austrian formations.⁵⁵ On August 12, 1914, Piłsudski's forces took the town of Kielce, of Kielce Governorate, but Piłsudski found the populace less supportive than he had expected.⁵⁶

Soon afterward he officially established the Polish Legions, taking personal command of their First Brigade,¹¹ which he would lead successfully into several victorious battles.¹⁹ He also secretly informed the British government in the fall of 1914 that his Legions would never fight France or Britain, only Russia.⁵³

Piłsudski and his officers, 1915

Piłsudski decreed that Legions personnel were to be addressed by the French-Revolution-inspired "Citizen" (Obywatel), and he himself was referred to as "the Commandant" ("Komendant").⁴⁹ Piłsudski enjoyed extreme respect and loyalty from his men⁴⁹ which would remain for years to come. The Polish Legions fought against Russia at the side of the Central Powers until 1917.

Soon after forming the Legions, also in 1914, Piłsudski set up another organization, the Polish Military Organisation (Polska Organizacja Wojskowa), which served as a precursor Polish intelligence agency and was designed to perform espionage and sabotage missions.¹⁹⁵³

Piłsudski. Painting by Jacek Malczewski, 1916

In mid-1916, after the Battle of Kostiuchnówka (July 4–6, 1916), where the Polish Legions delayed a Russian offensive at a cost of over 2,000 casualties,⁵⁷ Piłsudski demanded that the Central Powers issue a guarantee of independence for Poland. He backed this demand with his own proffered resignation and that of many of the Legions' officers.⁵⁸ On November 5, 1916, the Central Powers proclaimed the "independence" of Poland, hoping to increase the number of Polish troops that could be sent to the eastern front against Russia, thereby relieving German forces to bolster the western front.⁵⁹⁴⁸

Piłsudski agreed to serve in the Regency Kingdom of Poland created by the Central Powers, and acted as minister of war in the newly formed Polish Regency government; as such he was responsible for the Polnische Wehrmacht.⁴⁹ In the wake of the Russian Revolution and in view of the worsening situation of the Central Powers, Piłsudski took an increasingly uncompromising stance, insisting that his men no longer be treated as "German colonial troops" and only be used to fight Russia. Anticipating the Central Powers' defeat in the war, he did not wish to be allied with the losing side.⁶⁰⁴⁶ In the aftermath of a July 1917 "Oath Crisis" when Piłsudski forbade Polish soldiers to swear an oath of loyalty to the Central Powers, he was arrested and imprisoned at Magdeburg; the Polish units were disbanded, and the men were incorporated into the Austro-Hungarian Army,¹¹⁵³ while the Polish Military Organization began attacking German targets.¹⁹ Piłsudski's arrest greatly enhanced his reputation among Poles, many of whom began to see him as the most determined Polish leader, willing to take on all the partitioning powers.¹⁹

On November 8, 1918, Piłsudski and his colleague, Colonel Kazimierz Sosnkowski, were released by the Germans from Magdeburg and soon—like Vladimir Lenin before them—placed on a private train, bound for their national capital, as the increasingly desperate Germans hoped that Piłsudski would gather forces friendly to them.⁵³

Rebuilding Poland

Ulica Mokotowska 50, Warsaw, where Piłsudski stayed November 13–29, 1918, after his release from Magdeburg

On November 11, 1918, in Warsaw, Piłsudski was appointed Commander in Chief of Polish forces by the Regency Council and was entrusted with creating a national government for the newly independent country. On that very day (which would become Poland's Independence Day), he proclaimed an independent Polish state.⁵³

That week, too, Piłsudski also negotiated the evacuation of the German garrison from Warsaw and of other German troops from the "Ober Ost" authority. Over 55,000 Germans would peacefully depart Poland, leaving their weapons to the Poles. In coming months, over 400,000 total would depart Polish territories.⁵³⁶¹

On November 14, 1918, Piłsudski was asked to provisionally supervise the running of the country. On November 22 he officially received, from the new government of Jędrzej Moraczewski, the title of Provisional Chief of State (Naczelnik Państwa) of renascent Poland.¹¹

Various Polish military organizations and provisional governments (the Regency Council in Warsaw; Ignacy Daszyński's government in Lublin; and the Polish Liquidation Committee in Kraków) bowed to Piłsudski, who set about forming a new coalition government. It was predominantly socialist and introduced many reforms long proclaimed as necessary by the Polish Socialist Party, such as the eight-hour day, free school education, and women's suffrage. This was necessary to avoid major unrest.

However, Piłsudski believed that as head of state he must be above partisan politics.¹⁹⁵³ The day after his arrival in Warsaw, he met with old colleagues from underground days, who addressed him socialist-style as "Comrade" ("Towarzysz") and asked his support for their revolutionary policies; he refused it and answered: "Comrades, I took the red tram of socialism to the stop called Independence, and that's where I got off. You may keep on to the final stop if you wish, but from now on let's address each other as 'Mister' [rather than continue using the socialist term of address, 'Comrade']!"¹¹ He declined to support any one party and did not form any political organization of his own; instead, he advocated creating a coalition government.¹⁹⁶² He also set about organizing a Polish army out of Polish veterans of the German, Russian and Austrian armies.

In the days immediately after World War I, Piłsudski attempted to build a government in a shattered country. Much of former Russian Poland had been destroyed in the war, and systematic looting by the Germans had reduced the region's wealth by at least 10%.⁶³ A British diplomat who visited Warsaw in January 1919 reported: "I have nowhere seen anything like the evidences of extreme poverty and wretchedness that meet one's eye at almost every turn".⁶³

In addition, the country had to unify the disparate systems of law, economics, and administration in the former German, Austrian and Russian sectors of Poland. There were nine legal systems, five currencies, 66 types of rail systems (with 165 models of locomotives), which all had to be consolidated on an expedited basis.⁶³

Statue of Piłsudski before Warsaw's Belweder Palace, Piłsudski's official residence during his years in power

Wacław Jędrzejewicz, in Piłsudski: A Life for Poland, describes Piłsudski as very deliberate in his decision-making. He collected all available pertinent information, then took his time weighing it before arriving at a final decision. Piłsudski drove himself hard, working all day and all night.⁶³ He maintained a spartan lifestyle, eating plain meals alone at an inexpensive restaurant.⁶³ Though Piłsudski was popular with much of the Polish public, his reputation as a loner (the result of many years' underground work), as a man who distrusted almost everyone, led to strained relations with other Polish politicians.³¹

Piłsudski and the first Polish government were distrusted in the West because Piłsudski had cooperated with the Central Powers in 1914–17 and because the governments of Daszyński and Jędrzej Moraczewski were primarily socialist.⁵³ It was not until January 1919, when the world-famous pianist and composer Ignacy Paderewski became prime minister and foreign minister of a new government, that it was recognized in the West.⁵³

That still left two separate governments claiming to be Poland's legitimate government: Piłsudski's in Warsaw, and Dmowski's in Paris.⁶³ To ensure that Poland had a single government and to avert civil war, Paderewski met with Dmowski and Piłsudski and persuaded them to join forces, with Piłsudski acting as Provisional Chief of State and Commander-in-Chief while Dmowski and Paderewski represented Poland at the Paris Peace Conference.⁶⁴ Articles 87–93 of the Versailles Treaty⁶⁵ and the Little Treaty of Versailles, signed on June 28, 1919, formally established Poland as an independent and sovereign state in the international arena.⁶⁶

Piłsudski often clashed with Dmowski, at variance with the latter's vision of the Poles as the dominant nationality in renascent Poland, and irked by Dmowski's attempt to send the Blue Army to Poland through Danzig, Germany (now Gdańsk, Poland).⁶⁷⁶⁸ On January 5, 1919, some of Dmowski's supporters (Marian Januszajtis-Żegota and Eustachy Sapieha) attempted a coup against Piłsudski and Prime Minister Moraczewski, but failed.⁶⁹

On February 20, 1919, Piłsudski declared that he would return his powers to the newly elected Polish parliament (Sejm). However, the Sejm reinstated his office in the Little Constitution of 1919. The word "Provisional" was struck from his title, and Piłsudski would hold the office until December 9, 1922, when Gabriel Narutowicz was elected the first president of Poland.¹¹

Piłsudski's plan met with opposition from most of the prospective member states—who refused to relinquish any of their hard-won independence—as well as from the Allied powers, for whom it would be too bold a change to the existing balance-of-power structure.⁷¹ According to historian George Sanford, around 1920 Piłsudski came to realize the infeasibility of this version of his Intermarum project.⁷²

Polish-Soviet War

Piłsudski in Poznań

In the aftermath of World War I, there was unrest on all Polish borders. Regarding Poland's future frontiers, Piłsudski said, "All that we can gain in the west depends on the Entente—on the extent to which it may wish to squeeze Germany", while in the east "there are doors that open and close, and it depends on who forces them open and how far."⁷⁴ In 1918 in the east, Polish forces clashed with Ukrainian forces in the Polish-Ukrainian War, and Piłsudski's first orders as Commander-in-Chief of the Polish Army, on November 12, 1918, were to provide support for the Polish struggle in Lwów.⁷⁵

However, while Ukrainians were the first clear enemy, it soon became apparent that the various Ukrainian factions were not the real power in that region. Coming months and years would show that the Bolsheviks were in fact the most dangerous enemy not only of renascent Poland, but of the Ukrainians.

Piłsudski was aware that the Bolsheviks were no friends of independent Poland, and that war with them was inevitable.⁷⁶ He viewed their advance west as a major problem, but also considered the Bolsheviks less dangerous for Poland than their Russian-civil-war contenders.⁷⁷ These "White Russians"—representative of the old Russian Empire—were willing to accept only limited independence for Poland, probably within borders similar to those of the former Congress Poland, and clearly objected to Polish control of Ukraine, which was crucial for Piłsudski's Intermarum project.⁷⁸

This was in contrast to the Bolsheviks, who proclaimed the partitions of Poland null and void.⁷⁹ Piłsudski thus speculated that Poland would be better off with the Bolsheviks, alienated from the Western powers, than with a restored Russian Empire.⁷⁷⁸⁰ By ignoring the strong pressures from the Entente Cordiale to join the attack on Vladimir Lenin's struggling Soviet government, Piłsudski probably saved the Bolshevik government in the summer and fall of 1919.⁸¹

In March 1920, Piłsudski was made "First Marshal of Poland."

In the wake of the Russian westward offensive of 1918–1919 and of a series of escalating battles which resulted in the Poles advancing eastward, on April 21, 1920, Marshal Piłsudski (as his rank had been since March 1920) signed a military alliance (the Treaty of Warsaw) with Ukrainian leader Symon Petliura to conduct joint operations against Soviet Russia. The goal of the Polish-Ukrainian treaty was to establish an independent Ukraine in alliance with Poland.⁸² In return, Petliura gave up Ukrainian claims to eastern Galicia, for which he was denounced by eastern-Galician Ukrainian leaders.⁵³

The Polish and Ukrainian armies, under Piłsudski's command, launched a successful offensive against the Russian forces in Ukraine. On May 7, 1920, with remarkably little fighting, they captured Kiev.⁸³

Piłsudski (left) and Edward Rydz-Śmigły (right), 1920, during Polish-Soviet War

The Bolshevik leadership framed the Polish actions as an invasion; in response, thousands of officers and deserters joined the army, and thousands of civilians volunteered for war work.⁸⁴ The Soviets launched a counter-offensive from Belarus and counter-attacked in Ukraine, advancing into Poland⁸³ in a drive toward Germany to encourage the German Communist Party in its struggle to take power. Soviet confidence soared.⁸⁵ The Soviets announced their plans to invade western Europe; Soviet communist theoretician Nikolai Bukharin, writing in Pravda, hoped for the resources to carry the campaign beyond Warsaw "straight to London and Paris."⁸⁶ Soviet General Mikhail Tukhachevsky's order of the day for July 2, 1920, read: "To the West! Over the corpse of White Poland lies the road to worldwide conflagration. March upon Vilna, Minsk, Warsaw!"⁸⁷ and "onward to Berlin over the corpse of Poland!"⁵³

On July 1, 1920, in view of the rapidly advancing Soviet offensive, Poland's parliament, the Sejm, formed a Council for Defense of the Nation. It was chaired by Piłsudski and was to provide expeditious decision-making and temporarily supplant the fractious Sejm.⁸⁸ The National Democrats, however, contended that the string of Bolshevik victories had been Piłsudski's fault⁸⁹ and demanded that he resign; some even accused him of treason.⁹⁰ Their July 19 failure to carry a vote of no-confidence in the council led to Roman Dmowski's withdrawal from it.⁹⁰ On August 12 Piłsudski tendered his resignation to Prime Minister Wincenty Witos, offering to be the scapegoat if the military solution failed, but Witos refused to accept his resignation.⁹⁰ The Entente pressured Poland to surrender and enter into negotiations with the Bolsheviks. Piłsudski, however, was a staunch advocate of continuing the fight.⁹⁰ As Norman Davies noted, at that time, especially abroad, "Piłsudski had nothing of his later prestige. As a pre-war revolutionary he led his party to splits and quarrels; as a general in the WWI he led his legions to internment and disbanding; as a marshal of the Polish Army he led it to Kiev and Vilnius, both now lost to Poles. He left the Polish Socialist Party and his Austro-German allies; refused to ally himself with Entente. In France and England he was considered a treasonous ally who leads Poland into destruction; in Russia he was seen as a false servant of the allies, who will lead imperialism to ruin. All - from Lenin to Lloyd George, from Pravda to Morning Star - considered him a military and political failure. In August 1920 all were in agreement that his catastrophic career will be crowned with the fall of Warsaw."⁹¹

Piłsudski with his favorite horse, Chestnut (Kasztanka)

Yet over the next few weeks, Poland's risky, unconventional strategy at the August 1920 Battle of Warsaw halted the Soviet advance.⁸³ The Polish plan was developed by Piłsudski and others, including Tadeusz Rozwadowski.⁹² Later, some supporters of Piłsudski would seek to portray him as the sole author of the Polish strategy, while opponents would seek to minimize his role.⁹³ In the West for a long time a myth persisted that it was General Maxime Weygand of the French military mission to Poland who had saved Poland; modern scholars, however, are in agreement that Weygand's role was minimal at best.⁵³⁹⁴⁹³

Piłsudski's plan called for Polish forces to withdraw across the Vistula River and defend the bridgeheads at Warsaw and on the Wieprz River, while some 25% of available divisions concentrated to the south for a strategic counter-offensive. The plan next required two armies under General Józef Haller, facing Soviet frontal attack on Warsaw from the east, to hold their entrenched positions at all costs. At the same time, an army under General Władysław Sikorski was to strike north from outside Warsaw, cutting off Soviet forces that sought to envelope the Polish capital from that direction. The most important role, however, was assigned to a relatively small, approximately 20,000-man, newly assembled "Reserve Army" (also known as the "Strike Group," "Grupa Uderzeniowa"), comprising the most determined, battle-hardened Polish units and commanded personally by Piłsudski. Their task was to spearhead a lightning northward offensive, from the Vistula-Wieprz triangle south of Warsaw, through a weak spot identified by Polish intelligence between the Soviet Western and Southwestern Fronts. That offensive would separate the Soviet Western Front from its reserves and disorganize its movements. Eventually, the gap between Sikorski's army and the "Strike Group" would close near the East Prussian border, bringing about the destruction of the encircled Soviet forces.⁹⁵⁹⁶

Dęblin's Jews present Marshal Piłsudski with traditional bread and salt on the town's 1920 liberation from the Bolsheviks

At the time, Piłsudski's plan was strongly criticized, and only the desperate situation of the Polish forces persuaded other commanders to go along with it. Though based on reliable intelligence, including decrypted Soviet radio communications, the plan was termed "amateurish" by high-ranking army officers and military experts who were quick to point out Piłsudski's lack of formal military education. When a copy of the plan fell into Soviet hands, Soviet commander Mikhail Tukhachevsky thought it a ruse and disregarded it.⁹⁷ Days later, the Soviets paid dearly for this when, during the Battle of Warsaw, the overconfident Red Army suffered one of its greatest defeats ever.⁸³⁹⁶

A National Democrat Sejm deputy, Stanisław Stroński, coined the phrase, "Miracle at the Vistula" ("Cud nad Wisłą"),⁹⁸ to express his disapproval of Piłsudski's "Ukrainian adventure." Stroński's phrase was adopted as praise for Piłsudski by some patriotically or piously minded Poles, who were unaware of Stroński's ironic intent. A junior member of the French military mission, Charles de Gaulle, would later adopt some lessons from the Polish-Soviet War as well as from Piłsudski's career.⁹⁹⁹⁶

In February 1921, Piłsudski visited Paris, where in negotiations with French president Alexandre Millerand he laid the foundations for the Franco-Polish Military Alliance that would be signed later that year.¹⁰⁰ The Treaty of Riga, which ended the Polish-Soviet War in March 1921, partitioned Belarus and Ukraine between Poland and Russia. Piłsudski called the treaty an "act of cowardice."¹⁰¹ The treaty, and Piłsudski-approved General Lucjan Żeligowski's capture of Vilna from the Lithuanians, marked an end to this incarnation of Piłsudski's federalist Intermarum plan.¹⁹

On September 25, 1921, when Piłsudski visited Lwów for the opening of the first Eastern Trade Fair (Targi Wschodnie), he was the target of an unsuccessful assassination attempt by Stepan Fedak, acting on behalf of Ukrainian-independence organizations, including the Ukrainian Military Organization.¹⁰²

Retirement and coup

At Belweder Palace, Chief of State Piłsudski (left) transferred his powers to President-elect Gabriel Narutowicz (right). Two days later, the President would be dead.

After the Polish Constitution of March 1921 severely limited the powers of the presidency (intentionally, to prevent a President Piłsudski from waging war), Piłsudski declined to run for the office.¹⁹ On December 9, 1922, the Polish National Assembly elected Gabriel Narutowicz of PSL Wyzwolenie; his election, opposed by the right-wing parties, caused public unrest.¹⁰³ On December 14, at the Belweder Palace, Piłsudski officially transferred his powers as Chief of State to his friend Narutowicz; the Naczelnik was replaced by the President.¹⁰⁴¹⁰⁵

At Warsaw's Hotel Bristol, July 3, 1923, Piłsudski announced his retirement from active politics.

Two days later, on December 16, 1922, Narutowicz was shot dead by a right-wing, painter and art critic, Eligiusz Niewiadomski, who had originally wanted to kill Piłsudski but had changed his target, influenced by National-Democrat anti-Narutowicz propaganda.¹⁰⁶

Stanisław Wojciechowski of PSL Piast, another of Piłsudski's old colleagues, was elected the new president, and Wincenty Witos, also of PSL Piast, became prime minister. But the new government—pursuant to the Lanckorona Pact, an alliance among the centrist PSL Piast and the right-wing National Populist Union and Christian Democrat parties—contained right-wing enemies of Piłsudski, people whom he held morally responsible for Narutowicz's death and whom he found it impossible to work with.¹¹⁰ On May 30, 1923, Piłsudski resigned as Chief of the General Staff.

Piłsudski in front of his Sulejówek house, with his former soldiers, before the 1926 coup

After General Stanisław Szeptycki proposed that the military should be more closely supervised by civilian authorities, Piłsudski criticized this as an attempt to politicize the army, and on June 28 he resigned his last political appointment. The same day, the Sejm's left-wing deputies voted a resolution thanking him for his past work.¹¹¹ Piłsudski went into retirement in Sulejówek, outside Warsaw, at his country manor, "Milusin", which had been presented to him by his former soldiers.¹¹² There he settled down to supporting his family by writing a series of political and military memoirs, including Rok 1920 (The Year 1920).¹¹

Piłsudski on Warsaw's Poniatowski Bridge during the May 1926 Coup d'État. At right is General Gustaw Orlicz-Dreszer.

Meanwhile Poland's economy was in shambles. Hyperinflation fueled public unrest, and the government was unable to find a quick solution to the mounting unemployment and economic crisis.¹¹³ Piłsudski's allies and supporters repeatedly asked him to return to politics, and he began to create a new power base, centered around former members of the Polish Legions and the Polish Military Organization as well as some left-wing and intelligentsia parties. In 1925, after several governments had resigned in short order and the political scene was becoming increasingly chaotic, Piłsudski became more and more critical of the government, eventually issuing statements demanding the resignation of the Witos cabinet.¹¹¹⁹

When the Chjeno-Piast coalition, which Piłsudski had strongly criticized, formed a new government,¹⁹ on May 12–14, 1926, Piłsudski returned to power in a coup d'état (the May Coup), supported by the Polish Socialist Party, Liberation, the Peasant Party, and even the Polish Communist Party.¹¹⁴ Piłsudski had hoped for a bloodless coup, but the government had refused to back down;¹¹⁵ 215 soldiers and 164 civilians had been killed, and over 900 persons had been wounded.¹¹⁶

On May 31, the Sejm elected Piłsudski president of the Republic. Piłsudski, however, aware of the presidency's limited powers, refused the office. Another of his old friends, Ignacy Mościcki, was elected in his stead. Piłsudski's formal offices—apart from two terms as prime minister in 1926–28 and 1930—would for the most part remain limited to those of minister of defense and General Inspector of the Armed Forces. He also served as minister of military affairs and chairman of the war council.¹¹

Dictatorship

Piłsudski had no plans for major reforms; he quickly distanced himself from the most radical of his left-wing supporters, declaring that his coup was to be a "revolution without revolutionary consequences."¹⁹ His goals were to stabilize the country, reduce the influence of political parties, which he blamed for corruption and inefficiency, and strengthen the army.¹¹⁷¹⁹

Internal politics

Belweder Palace, Warsaw, Piłsudski's official residence during his years in power

In internal politics, Piłsudski's coup entailed sweeping limitations on parliamentary government, as his Sanation regime (1926–1939)—at times employing authoritarian methods—sought to "restore public life to moral health." From 1928, the Sanation authorities were represented in the sphere of practical politics by the Non-partisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government (BBWR). Popular support and an effective propaganda apparatus allowed Piłsudski to maintain his authoritarian powers, which could not be overruled by the president, who was appointed by Piłsudski, not by the Sejm.¹¹ The powers of the Sejm were curtailed by constitutional amendments introduced soon after the coup, on August 2, 1926.

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